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A couple of months back, I drove to the Royal Lake Club at the heart of metropolitan Kuala Lumpur. As I stepped out of my car, I checked my pockets for my cigarette case containing my beloved Sampoerna. I lit the cigarette as I was early for my meeting with a Minister from Bersatu.

Less than 400 metres west is Dataran Merdeka; many battles have been fought there. 1998 witnessed seas of Malaysians square up against the Federal Reserve Unit as they rallied in the name of ‘Reformasi’. In the late 2000s, Malaysians took to the street again to demand free and fair elections, ‘Bersih!’, they cried as the surroundings were blurred with tear gas and showers of the FRU’s chemical-induced water cannon. Cries of ‘Kleptocracy’ filled Dataran Merdeka in 2015. 

After a fundamental shift in political power post Malaysia’s 14th General Election, threatened Malays afraid of political and economic marginalisation — after centuries of economic suffering under the colonisers — took to Dataran Merdeka to oppose the government (led by their former idolised leader) ratifying ICERD. There was much argument over whether the Malays were actually being marginalised; an UMNO politician put it best, “Even if the threat is not real, the fear is, and the government of the day had failed to address those fears.” The battles did not end there; within the last two years, the government led by Muhyiddin Yassin had declared an emergency and parliament was prorogued. Muhyiddin then proceeded to use the FRU against opposition politicians who attempted to enter Parliament. A mockery was made of our democracy due to his insatiable lust and desperate attempt to cling to power.

The Dataran Merdeka is an undying symbol of democracy. The spirit of democracy lives in every corner and in every blade of grass of the dataran. The Royal Lake Club is located between the dataran and the Malaysian Parliament. As the cigarette located between my lips reached its bud, I tried to savour every puff. Hours earlier, the members of the Dewan Rakyat had gathered to debate the Generational End Game bill tabled by the government, with Khairy Jamaluddin pioneering the fight. The bill had been read the first time, and it seemed imminent that it would pass the second and third readings, effectively becoming law upon approval from the Dewan Negara. I viewed it as an attack on my liberty. Why should the government have a say in what I do to my body? Undoubtedly, smoking is not good for you, and it would cost the government more healthcare expenses, but cigarettes are already taxed. We are paying for our own healthcare. If expenses outweigh the tax, then tax higher. If secondhand smoke is a concern, then have designated smoking areas. The government should be able to regulate to ensure healthcare expenses and the safety of others are taken care of. But they should never have a say in what I do to my own body. That liberty is mine in its entirety. 

As I sat down with the Bersatu minister, I voiced my concern about the GEG bill. “It is a slippery slope”, I said. Members of Malaysia’s Islamic Party, PAS had already come out in support of the bill arguing that smoking is haram in Islam. What is next? Are we going to prohibit alcohol? Are we to stop gambling? Will we choose to close entertainment centres? What will the government’s retort be then? Surely you are not able to argue that drinking does not harm oneself. Surely you are not able to argue gambling is not haram. 

Similar to the Minister, I, too, was raised in Kelantan. At a young age, I was taught the importance of governance being centered around Islam. In Kelantan, PAS politicians are well-liked because they are one of us. They are grassroots leaders. They would attend every wedding and kenduri. Many would go beyond merely attending by helping out with the cooking and preparation for the event. My Friday prayers were conducted at Pulau Melaka, as far as my memory goes, each sermon and prayer was led by the former Chief Minister, the late Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat. It was easy for one to be moved by the Islamic party due to their folksy charm and the respected religious standing of their leaders. The indoctrination, however, went even further. We were told stories that the late Nik Aziz would never press his pen when writing as it would use up much ink and hence, waste the people’s money. 

It was said that the late Nik Aziz would only use a small lamp in his office to save money on electricity, and when he prayed in his office, he would do so in complete darkness because his time with God should not be at the expense of the people’s money paying the electricity bills. One particularly vivid memory, which I shall never forget, happened when I was nine. An elderly man in the village had passed; his remains were prayed for at the local mosque and brought to the cemetery for his burial. At the moment before his body was lowered into his grave, a man had passed a PAS flag that was tucked next to the body. It was baffling to watch. I asked an elderly man why the remains were buried along with a PAS flag. He lowered his head to meet my eyes, held my hand and said it was to ensure that when the Angels come to question the deceased (as per Islamic belief) and see the flag, the Angel (and subsequently God) will know that the deceased is ‘one of us’.

The thing I have learned about PAS from the years of studying and personal observation of the party is that they do not rule with extremism. Since PAS won over the state of Kelantan in 1990, they have used religion and extreme rhetoric to garner constant support for the government, but they have never implemented any of the extremist policies they speak of. PAS uses religious extremism to gain political power, but once they have the power, they maintain the status quo.

The religious extremism that they ride on has always been effective in the Malay heartland of Kelantan, including various parts of Kedah and Terengganu. I never thought there would come a day when PAS becomes the largest party in parliament. However, it should come as no surprise, the Malaysia we live in is the most polarised it has ever been. The scariest thing that happened in the 15th General Election was the liberal-conservative, urban-rural, and non-Malay—Malay divide. On the East Coast, a traditionally hot contested seat in P027 Tanah Merah saw PAS claim victory with a 45 thousand majority; PH lost their deposit. On the West Coast, P048 Bukit Bendera sees DAP win with a 42 thousand majority; PAS loses their deposit. That divide where there is no middle ground is terrifying.

The irony in this divide is that PAS and DAP have a lot in common. PAS can never contest a majority non-Malay constituency and win. DAP can never contest a majority Malay constituency and win. The distrust of the non-Malays toward PAS is not unfounded. The distrust of the Malays toward DAP is not unfounded either. DAP claims to be a multiracial party, yet it is entrenched with nepotism having been ruled by the same family hitherto, Anthony Loke assuming the role of Secretary-General. In the recent DAP elections, not a single Malay was elected to the CEC; they were only co-opted. It does not help DAP’s image when leaders akin to Nga Kor Ming remain prominent in the party. Nga has labelled PAS as a Taliban-like regime in an attempt to create fear among the Non-Malays. He has racially abused Dr Zambry Abdul Kadir, who was then Perak MB stating that he is incapable of doing his job because he is ‘hitam metalik yang haram jadah’; a direct translation would be ‘a black and a bastard’. Nga Kor Ming was Deputy Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat and currently is the National Vice-Chairman of DAP.

The rhetorics from the Malay parties — UMNO, PAS, and Bersatu — come off equally (arguably, even more) distasteful. They have referred to DAP as a chauvinistic Communist party. Claims that DAP wants to make Malaysia a Christian nation. They play rhetorics that the Azan (Muslim call to prayer) is no longer allowed in Penang, a DAP-run state. All these sentiments are mobilised to create a long-lasting fear and hatred of DAP among the Malay community.

The fact remains Malaysia is divided. We are growing more polarised and our politicians have got to do better. There needs to be common ground for the sake of Malaysia. We must put an end to identity politics: the politics of them against us and us against them. The politics of this race against that race. We have relied on our politicians for over 60 years to bridge the racial gap and it only seems to be growing. As Malaysians, we must step up and play our role to bridge that gap ourselves. We must not demonise others for having differing political views, however absurd the views may be. We must engage in discussion; we must not permanently silence others without attempting at discourse. The ability to change Malaysia lies not in our politicians but in ourselves. Take the step to refute and not entertain racial rhetorics and religious bigotry.

The journey of the last half-decade is one never seen, not even in the most dramatic of political thrillers. Mahathir Mohamad and Anwar Ibrahim reconciled. Mahathir in the late ‘98 sacked, humiliated, and repressed Anwar of his freedom. They came together in the name of conquering the unconquerable Barisan Nasional. They came, they saw, and they unequivocally conquered Barisan Nasional. Mahathir reneged on his promise to make Anwar Prime Minister, again. Muhyiddin Yassin became the unlikely winner of a power struggle after the Pakatan Harapan government collapsed. A year later, Barisan Nasional regained the Prime Ministership through Ismail Sabri. 

Najib Razak now inhabits the iron bars of Kajang. Malaysia, for the 15th time, returned Her mandate to Her people. A hung parliament ensued with PAS holding the highest number of seats in parliament. Malaysia’s next golden generation, Nurul Izzah Anwar and Khairy Jamaluddin, both failed to be re-elected to the Dewan Rakyat. The Anwar family fortress, Permatang Pauh gets sucked in by the Islamic Conservative undercurrent in the form of Perikatan Nasional. The mighty Barisan Nasional suffered a humiliating defeat with only 30 seats but ends up becoming kingmaker. After all the years, Anwar Ibrahim’s protege, Zahid Hamidi, delivers for his former mentor. The student returns to his master. Anwar Ibrahim, the man who was disgraced, humiliated, and endured much suffering at the hands of the UMNO regime, eventually becomes Prime Minister with support from the aforementioned UMNO. The cherry on top of it all is that the iconoclastic Mahathir Mohamad who stopped Anwar from becoming PM twice, fails to defend his seat, even losing his deposit in the process. You must forgive one for saying they have seen it all in Malaysian politics but remind them: this is Malaysian politics, and you will never have seen it all.

A mottled Malaysia requires us Malaysians to play a crucial role in reuniting a divided nation. It requires us to step beyond our comfort zone and choose to not only tolerate others but thoroughly accept each other for our differences. In a world where speech is free, we must use it to bring people together.

References 

• • DAP’s Nga sounds another ‘Taliban’ warning | Free Malaysia Today
  • DAP’s Nga apologises over ‘metallic black’ remark | MalaysiaKini
  • Police report lodged against Hadi for his ‘DAP is pro-communist’ remarks | New Straits Times